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April 3, 2002 Published 2002 by Assets for Colorado Youth. Excerpts from this report may be reproduced for educational non-commercial purposes, citing Assets for Colorado Youth as the source. Contents:
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A
Review of Literature on Hispanic/Latino Parent Over the next decade there will be considerable changes in the demographics of the population in the United States. In the last thirty years, "the total number of foreign born residents has tripled" (Gibson, 2002, p. 241). In the state of Colorado, the immigrant growth rate in the last ten years has been 190% (Gibson, 2002). Included in this immigrant
population, Latinos are the fastest growing group, comprising 47% of the
population (Camarota, 2001). Latinos are recruited by U.S. industries
seeking low-skilled, low-wage labor (Gibson, 2002). Latinos come seeking
a better life, and though they may be able to earn more money in the U.S.
than they can at home, almost two-thirds live in poverty (Gibson, 2002)
and 33% have no health insurance (Camarota, 2001). These changing demographics
will be of great importance for educators. Within the next twenty years,
it is predicted that "the number of Latino children ages 5 to 13
will double, and by 2030 Latino students will comprise one-fourth of the
total K-12 school population" (Gibson, 2002, p. 243). Of primary concern are disparities in academic achievement. Hispanic youth in general are the "most under-educated major segment of the U.S. population" (Inger, 1992, p. 1), and are "more than twice as likely to be undereducated than all groups combined" (Chavkin, 1993, p. 1). Latino students in particular, have the highest dropout rate in the United States (Carger, 1997; Gibson, 2002; McKissack, 1999; Scribner, 1999). Though there are many
causes for low academic achievement and high dropout rates among Hispanic
students, such as language barriers, low expectations of teachers, poverty,
racism, and isolation (Gibson, 2002; Scribner, 1999), the lack of cooperation
between school, parents, and community has also played a role (Scribner,
1999). Moles 1993) has stated that over the last two decades white parents
have shown increasing parental participation, while minorities have decreased
the contact they have with their children's schools. Decreases in parent
involvement are of particular concern since research has provided evidence
that there is a link between parent involvement and academic achievement
(Ascher, 1988; Baker & Soden, 1998; Chavkin, 1993; Chavkin & Gonzalez,
1995; Epstein, 1996; Floyd, 1998; Petersen, 1989). As stated by Inger
(1992), "There is considerable evidence that parent involvement leads
to improved student achievement, better school attendance, and reduced
dropout rates, and that these improvements occur regardless of the economic,
racial, or cultural background of the family" (p. 1). In
a study of sixteen Hispanic parents in New Orleans who became involved
in a leadership program (Aspiazu, Bauer, & Spillett, 1998), the researchers
found that as parents became more involved in structuring and monitoring
homework, their children's grades improved and their children showed greater
self-esteem. Lucas, Henze, and Donato (1990) studied six high schools
that were successful in promoting the academic achievement of Latino students.
In determining commonalities between these schools, they found that parent
involvement played a key role. In a study specific to Latino families
in a midwestern high school, Jones and Velez (1997) found that Latino
students who performed well academically reported a higher level of parental
involvement with their education at home. Considering that research
has shown a link between parent involvement and academic achievement (Ascher,
1988; Baker & Soden, 1998; Chavkin, 1993; Chavkin & Gonzalez,
1995; Epstein, 1996; Floyd, 1998; Petersen, 1989), it is important that
schools look for ways to engage parents in their children's education.
How can schools increase parent involvement and what are the obstacles
that they must overcome to get parents involved? We will next turn to
research relating to perceptions of parent involvement, barriers to increasing
parent involvement, and strategies that have been successful in increasing
parent participation. Though research has
shown the importance of parent involvement for student achievement, minority
parental participation is decreasing (Floyd, 1998; Moles, 1993). Many
teachers view this as evidence of lack of interest on the part of parents
(Ascher, 1988; Carger, 1997; Floyd, 1998; Moles, 1993). In an ethnographic
study of a Latino community conducted by Delgado-Gaitan (2001), the researcher
found that 98% of the teachers in the school viewed parental involvement
to be very important, but most teachers believed parents were not working
enough with their children at home. Teachers often misinterpret non-involvement
to show lack of caring (Carger, 1997; Lopez, 2001). As stated by Inger
(1992), "Many school administrators and teachers misread the reserve,
the non-confrontational manners, and the non-involvement of Hispanic parents
to mean that they are uncaring about their children's education"
(p. 1). However, research examining parents' perceptions of their role
in their children's education has found that Latino parents care very
much about their children's education (Chavkin & Gonzalez, 1995; Trumbull,
Rothstein-Fisch, Greenfield, & Quiroz, 2001), they have high goals
for their children (Shannon, 1996), and they want to be involved (Lopez,
2001). As stated by Trumbull, et al (2001), "Studies of immigrant
Latino families have repeatedly shown that parents are highly interested
in being involved in their children's education" (p. 32). Part of the discrepancy
between the perceptions of teachers and parents lies with the fact that
parent involvement is difficult to define. People have different views
of exactly what parent involvement is (Scribner, Young, & Pedroza,
1999) and these views are culturally variable (Trumbull et. al., 2001).
According to Ascher (1988),
Considering that schools
and parents may have different views about what involvement entails, it
is not unusual that they may then have different goals relating to involvement
(Trumbull et. al., 2001). Scribner, Young and
Pedroza (1999) found through interviews with teachers in high-performing
Hispanic schools in Texas that teachers defined parent involvement as
participation in formal activities, such as school events and meetings,
or working as a teacher assistant or tutor. This same study showed that
parents tend to define involvement as being involved in informal activities
at home, such as: "checking homework assignments, reading and listening
to children read, obtaining tutorial assistance, providing nurturance,
instilling cultural values, talking with children, and sending them to
school well fed, clean, and rested" (p. 37). While teachers viewed
parent involvement as a means to improving academic achievement, parents
viewed their involvement as "a means of supporting the total well-being
of children" (Scribner, Young, & Pedroza, 1999, p. 37). Since
the schools that were studied defined parent involvement as participation
in formal activities, parent involvement was measured through attendance
at these events. If participation at school events is used as the only
indicator of parental involvement, it may not provide a full picture of
the contribution of parents. Gerardo Lopez (2001),
who studied a migrant family in Texas whose children consistently maintained
a high level of academic achievement, proposes a different definition
of parent involvement. Lopez sees the traditional definitions of parent
involvement to be exclusionary of marginalized people such as migrant
workers. The family he studied, the Padillas, provided evidence of their
involvement by the achievement of their children, but they were not involved
in their children's education in any of the traditionally defined ways.
For the Padillas, their goal was to teach "their children to appreciate
the value of their education through the medium of hard work" (p.
420). In order to do this, the Padillas took their children to work with
them in the fields and constantly reminded them of the importance of hard
work. The Padillas also consistently pointed out the employment limitations
created by a lack of education. The Padillas essentially gave their children
a choice "to either work hard at school or work hard in the fields"
(p. 420). Thus included in the many definitions of parent involvement
is now added the "transmission of sociocultural values" (p.
430). When considering varying
perceptions of parent involvement, not only are there differences in defining
involvement, there are also differences in the perceived roles of teachers
and parents. In several studies of Latino parents, it was found that Latino
parents see a sharp delineation between the role of the school and the
role of parents (Chavkin & Gonazalez, 1995). The role of parents is
to provide nurturance and to teach morals, respect and good behavior (Carger,
1997; Chavkin & Gonzalez, 1995; Espinosa, 1995; Trumbull et. al.,
2001). The role of the school is to instill knowledge (Carger, 1997; Chavkin,
1991; Chavkin & Gonzalez, 1995; Trumbull et. al., 2001). When parents
are asked to take on responsibilities that they traditionally view as
the domain of the school, they may be unsure of the role they are asked
to play (Sosa, 1997) and they may feel that they are encroaching on the
school's territory. In the Latino culture, teachers are highly respected
(Chavkin & Gonzalez, 1995) and any interference from parents may be
considered rude and disrespectful (Chavkin, 1991; Chavkin & Gonzalez,
1995; Espinosa, 1995; Trumbull et. al., 2001). Therefore, though teachers
view parents asking questions about assignments and grades to show caring
for their child's education, Latino parents may view this as a sign of
disrespect (Trumbull et. al., 2001). Differences in perception
are not the only barriers that have to be overcome in involving Latino
parents; there are other barriers as well. These barriers can be divided
into five categories: school environment, culture and language, educational
level of parents, psychological issues, and logistical issues. One of
the first obstacles that many parents deal with is the school environment.
Parents may feel unwelcome in the school for a variety of reasons (Chavkin,
1993). As pointed out by Bright (1996), parents often feel anxious, unwelcome
and misinformed when they enter their child's school. In a study of high
performing Hispanic high schools in Texas (Scribner, Young, & Pedroza,
1999), some parents reported that an unwelcome school environment discouraged
them from getting involved. The school needs to be aware of these feelings
and try to make the parents' entrance into the school as comfortable as
possible. Hyslop (2000) has
reported that many Hispanic parents feel intimidated by teachers, particularly
if the teachers adopt a condescending attitude (Inger, 1992). The reality
is that most educators have limited skills in dealing with parents. Chavkin
and Williams (1987) found that only a small percentage of teacher-training
institutions in the Southwest U.S. offered course work on teacher-parent
relationships. In a study conducted by Williams (1992), teachers, teacher
educators, and principals were surveyed and 73 to 83% of them felt that
there should be required course work for education students in developing
effective teacher-parent relations. Since there is not, however, this
responsibility falls to the school. The problem is that most school districts
do not provide effective in-service training for teachers on parental
relations, so teachers have to learn on their own, possibly never learning
(Moles, 1993). Teachers who do not
have proper training in working with parents often overlook the opportunity
to get Latino parents involved, and sometimes when parents push to become
involved, teachers view them as too aggressive. Shannon (1996) conducted
a qualitative study with a Latino mother in Colorado who sought to influence
decisions made concerning her daughter's education. The mother had difficulty
being heard by her daughter's teacher and the school administration, and
felt that the school did not want to respond to her requests because of
her low socioeconomic status. The teacher's perception of the parent was
that she was "pushy and aggressive-a very unwelcome kind of parent
at school" (p. 77). Shannon (1996) pointed to the fact that in middle-class
schools, teachers expect parents to be involved and are willing to put
up with parent demands. She saw the hypocrisy of teachers decrying the
lack of participation on the part of low-income, minority parents, but
then being unwilling to accept parents who challenge the status quo. Another issue that
many Latino parents deal with in seeking to become involved in their child's
education is language (Chavkin & Gonzalez, 1995; Hyslop, 2000; Shannon,
1996). Many school personnel and teachers do not speak Spanish (Chavkin
& Gonzalez, 1995; Gibson, 2002; Inger, 1992) which can make communication
relating to grades, behavior, and homework very difficult. If Spanish-speaking
parents attend meetings, they cannot understand what is being said (Aspiazu
et. al., 1998) and many schools do not provide interpreters (Scribner,
Young, & Pedroza, 1999). Not only do Spanish-speaking parents have
difficulty communicating within the school, but also they are also unable
to help their children with homework if the homework is in English (Aspiazu
et. al., 1998). Along with language
barriers, there are cultural barriers that parents must deal with. There
is a disconnect between school culture and home culture, and schools do
not always seem to value the home culture (Gibson, 2002). One of the greatest
differences between the school culture and Latino home culture is the
idea of working cooperatively versus competitively. Latino families value
what Trumbull, et al (2001) call collectivism. Collectivism focuses on
"interdependent relations, social responsibility, and the well-being
of the group" (p. 4) versus individualism which focuses on "individual
fulfillment and choice" (p. 4). Since most schools focus on an individualistic,
competitive approach, Latino children must adapt their stance to be able
to do well academically. In a study conducted by Carger (1996) of a Latino
adolescent in Chicago, Carger found that the home environment, which emphasized
support versus competition, prepared the adolescent for a cooperative
learning environment. However, the adolescent was not often given the
opportunity to work cooperatively. Trumbull, et al (2001) point to the
importance of schools developing an understanding of the cultural values
that children bring with them. This understanding can lead to a productive
partnership between parents and teachers as they will have a better understanding
of the goals and expectations that each side brings to the educational
process. One obstacle to developing
educational partnerships with parents can be the parent's level of education
(Floyd, 1998; Moles, 1993). School expectations of parents helping with
a child's education at home may not be realistic if the parent does not
have the requisite skills (Sosa, 1997). It is not unusual for immigrant
Latino families to have limited formal education (Trumbull et. al., 2001).
This is particularly the case for migrant families who have often had
only limited exposure to schooling (Lopez, 2001). In some families where
there are older siblings, the older children are expected to help younger
siblings with their homework, which often cuts into the older child's
study time (Sosa, 1997). Not only do parents with a lower level of education
have difficulty in assisting with home learning, they tend to feel intimidated
when communicating with teachers and school administrators (Floyd, 1998;
Moles, 1993) and thus may avoid getting involved with the school. Another barrier to
actually getting parents into the school may be psychological issues.
Some parents have previously had negative experiences with schools (Chavkin
& Gonzalez, 1995; Lopez, 2001; Scribner, Young, & Pedroza, 1999),
either in their own education or relating to their child's education,
and may be wary of getting involved. In interviews conducted with Mexican
immigrant mothers, Carger (1997) found that many of them had had bad experiences
with schooling in Mexico. Some parents, who were unsuccessful in their
own education may have feelings of low self-esteem and anxiety when entering
a school setting (Hyslop, 2000). Even those parents who had positive experiences
with education may feel uncomfortable entering the school if they have
recently arrived in the U.S. Immigrant parents, who are often dealing
with culture shock, may see the school as a foreign environment which
they choose to avoid (Hyslop, 2000). Finally, there are
many parents who would like to become more involved, but are hindered
by various logistical issues. Lack of time is an issue cited by many Hispanic
parents (Delgado-Gaitan, 2001; Sosa, 1997). This is particularly true
for new immigrants and migrant workers who often work long hours (Fuentes,
Cantu, & Stechuk, 1996). In families in which both parents are working,
or a single parent is trying to deal with multiple responsibilities, parents
can become overwhelmed in dealing with daily tasks and, as a result, have
little time left to devote to getting involved at the school or with school-work
(Floyd, 1998; Scribner, Young, & Pedroza, 1999). Other issues relate
to childcare, transportation, and scheduling of events. For stay-at-home
mothers who would like to volunteer at their children's school but cannot
afford day care for their younger children, this can be an obstacle (Floyd,
1998; Hampton, Mumford, & Bond, 1998; Moles, 1993; Scribner, Young,
& Pedroza, 1999; Sosa, 1997). Appropriate childcare is not only an
obstacle to volunteering during the day, but it is also an obstacle to
attending evening events such as parent conferences. Another limitation
to volunteering at the school is the issue of transportation (Floyd, 1998;
Moles, 1993). The family may only have one car that one parent has to
take to work, making trips to the school difficult for the other parent
unless there is easily accessible public transportation (Scribner, Young,
& Pedroza, 1999). Lastly, there is the issue of the scheduling of
events and activities (Floyd, 1998). Bright (1996) states that schools
need to be aware of the multiple responsibilities that many parents are
dealing with that often rule out daytime participation and schedule events
at a variety of times to allow for the possibility for parents to attend. While a school district
may not be able to address all the barriers to parental involvement, there
are many steps that most schools can take that will assist in increasing
participation. The first step is to create a school environment that is
warm, caring, inviting, and receptive to parents (Scribner et. al., 1999).
A key piece of developing this kind of atmosphere is communication (Delgado-Gaitan,
2001) and, according to Chavkin and Gonzalez (1995), communication should
be the major focus of parent involvement efforts. When parents enter the
school, they should be greeted. In a study conducted by Scribner, Young,
and Pedroza (1999) of high achieving Hispanic schools, one parent said,
"They take time to greet you and it makes you feel so much better"
(p. 40). "Engaging in small talk" (Scribner et. al., 1999, p.53)
is important in the Latino community and is the first step toward building
relationships. Another important cultural piece for schools to keep in
mind in relation to communication is to make it personal. Latino parents,
like most other parents, respond positively to communication that is personalized
(Chavkin & Gonzalez, 1995; Espinosa, 1995; Scribner, et. al., 1999)
either through one-on-one contact or over the phone. Simply inviting parents
to come through a personal contact is often all it takes to get them involved
(Lucas, Henze, & Donato, 1990; Scribner, 1999; Sosa, 1997) and it
addresses the concern of providing written materials to parents who may
not be literate (Chavkin & Gonzalez, 1995). Another way that teachers
can personalize communication is through the use of home visits (Chavkin
& Gonzalez, 1995; Sosa, 1997). In a study of high performing Hispanic
schools in Texas (Scribner et. al., 1999), many parents responded positively
to home visits. The parents saw the visits as an extension of courtesy
on the part of the school, particularly for mothers with children at home
and no transportation. Parents also felt that teachers who took the time
to conduct home visits showed that they truly cared about their students,
which influenced the parents' perceptions of the school. Home visits also
allow for parent input. Communication should be a two-way process (Chavkin
& Gonzalez, 1995), and parents' input should be valued (Scribner et.
al., 1999; Sosa, 1997). In order to do this, however, the school may have
to change the power structure in order to give parents a voice (Delgado-Gaitan,
2001). Another strategy found
to be successful in creating a welcoming atmosphere and developing a communication
network is the use of a parent-coordinator, also known as a home-school
coordinator or parent liaison (Bright, 1996; Floyd, 1998; Moles, 1993;
Peterson, 1989; Ramirez-Smith & Lofland, 1995). A parent coordinator
can be particularly beneficial at the secondary level (Scribner et. al.,
1999) where parents often have difficulty in determining whom to contact.
The parent coordinator creates a communication pathway between the school
and parents and provides a safe avenue for parents to pursue issues of
concern. The parent coordinator often comes from the predominant cultural
group among the students of the school, so she or he can be an asset in
dealing with cultural and language barriers (Scribner et. al., 1999).
Other ways that schools
can improve communication are by sending out regular newsletters to keep
parents updated on what is going on at the school so that they can reinforce
learning at home (Scribner et. al., 1999) and contacting parents immediately
when problems come up relating to their child (Moles, 1993), or if their
child is absent (Lucas et. al., 1990). At the high school level, teaching
with teams or setting up schools within schools have been successful in
creating communication links with parents. Both of these strategies work
to create a sense of community, which encourages parent participation
(Scribner et. al., 1999). Besides communication,
there are other strategies to assist in creating a welcoming school environment.
The school should schedule regular activities and events. These kind of
activities create opportunities for positive interactions and shared experiences
(Scribner et. al., 1999). The school should seek to make parent involvement
interesting; therefore, scheduled activities should be based on the interests
of parents (Chavkin & Gonzalez, 1995). In a study of high schools
that were successful in working with Latino students (Lucas et. al., 1990),
the researchers found that the high schools held monthly parent nights
in order to get parents involved. Sanders (1996) also points out that
if schools are seeking to obtain greater involvement from fathers, they
should plan events particularly for them, such as father and son breakfasts.
In seeking to increase
parent involvement, there are several approaches that schools can take
to address cultural barriers. One of these strategies is to acknowledge
parents' cultural values (Scribner et. al., 1999) and view them as strengths
(Chavkin & Gonzalez, 1995). One way to acknowledge parents' home culture
is to incorporate it into the school curriculum (Delgado-Gaitan, 2001).
This helps students develop pride in their identity and makes parents
feel they can provide valuable contributions (Delgado-Gaitan, 2001). When
working with children of migrant parents, the school should recognize
that these families bring the strengths of resiliency and resourcefulness
which are important attributes the school can utilize (Chavkin, 1991).
Another cultural strength
of the Latino community is the nurturance and support of the extended
family (Carger, 1997). Schools should build on this strength (Inger, 1992;
Scribner et. al., 1999) by inviting member of the extended family to participate
(Sosa, 1997) at the school. In a school described by Sanders (1996) that
promoted involvement of the extended family, grandparents assisted teachers
in monitoring the halls at school. A final important piece in addressing
cultural barriers is teacher training. Since the attitudes and practices
of teachers and administrators can have a significant impact on parent
involvement (Chavkin & Gonzalez, 1995) it is important that teachers
receive training on Hispanic culture (Espinosa, 1995; Scribner et. al.,
1999). All of these strategies utilize the strengths that families bring
and help to turn culture into an asset instead of a barrier. As with culture, language
issues do not have to be an impediment to parent participation. For schools
serving significant populations of Spanish speaking parents, it is important
that all communication should be bilingual. Any written material sent
out to parents should be in both English and Spanish (Chavkin & Gonzalez,
1995; Inger, 1992; Scribner et. al., 1999; Sosa, 1997), there should be
bilingual staff available to talk with parents when they come into the
school (Chavkin & Gonzalez, 1995; Espinosa, 1995), and interpreters
should be provided at meetings and events (Inger, 1992). In seeking to
facilitate opportunities for increased communication between teachers
and parents, the school should offer Spanish language training for teachers
(Scribner et. al., 1999) and ESL training for parents (Scribner et. al.,
1999; Lucas et. al., 1990). In a study of six high schools that were successful
with Latino students (Lucas et. al., 1990), parents cited Spanish-speaking
staff as one of the reasons for their involvement. Even those parents
who speak some English are less intimidated by teachers who communicate
with them in Spanish (Scribner et. al., 1999). Along with training in
English, there are other educational opportunities that the school should
consider providing to parents, such as GED classes (Espinosa, 1995; Scribner
et. al., 1999) and other adult education opportunities (Chavkin &
Gonzalez, 1995). As parents improve their level of education, they feel
more confidence in their ability to contribute to their child's education
(Inger, 1992). In seeking to overcome
the logistical issues that parents face when trying to become involved,
providing parents with the means to become involved in their child's education
at home may be the most economical use of their time (Ascher, 1994; Scribner
et. al., 1999). Hampton, Mumford, and Bond (1998), found that monthly
parent workshops provided by the school were very beneficial to parental
involvement. These workshops provided parents with knowledge and skills
to assist their children with their homework as well as providing supportive
parenting skills. In a case study of high performing Hispanic schools
in Texas (Scribner et. al., 1999), it was found that successful schools
emphasized parent involvement with more informal activities at home. As
stated by Scribner, Young, & Pedroza (1999), "This appears to
be a key factor in facilitating parent contributions to children's increased
academic achievement and social and psychological development" (p.
38). Several other studies have also found that training parents how to
help with homework can get parents involved and help to improve academic
achievement (Ascher, 1998; Bright, 1996; Peterson, 1989; Ramirez-Smith
& Lofland, 1995). In order to address
some of the logistical issues that impede parent involvement, the school
should provide childcare for meetings and events (Chavkin & Gonzalez,
1995; Inger, 1992; Scribner, 1999; Sosa, 1997) and should try to provide
transportation when possible (Chavkin & Gonzalez, 1995; Inger, 1992;
Sosa, 1997). When scheduling events, the school should consult parents
about opportune times (Inger, 1992; Sosa, 1997) and should try to schedule
events at more than one time period (Sosa, 1997). Though there are barriers
that parents and schools have to overcome to increase parent involvement,
there are strategies to overcome these barriers. The importance in overcoming
these hurdles lies with the fact that research has shown that parental
participation can have an impact on school achievement, behavior, and
completion rates (Ascher, 1988; Baker & Soden, 1998; Chavkin, 1993;
Chavkin & Gonzalez, 1995; Epstein, 1996; Floyd, 1998; Petersen, 1989).
Parents have an important role to play in their child's education and
the school should seek to facilitate this role. As stated in an interview
with a teacher in Carpenteria, California, "I tell them that in any
school system there are good teachers, excellent teachers, mediocre teachers,
there are bad teachers. All children are going to have all these teachers,
but they always have their parents" (Delgado-Gaitan, 2001, p. 108).
In the end, whose responsibility is it to get parents involved? Does this responsibility lie with teachers and the schools, or does it rest with the parents themselves? In a study of high performing Hispanic schools in Texas, Scribner, Young and Pedroza (1999) found that "some staff members tended to think of parent involvement as a parent responsibility to be initiated by parents, rather than as a collaborative responsibility of the entire school community" (p. 38). As Gibson (2002) has pointed out, "educators frequently identify Latino students and their families as 'the problem,' unaware that their own lack of preparedness in working with culturally and linguistically diverse populations is itself a major obstacle and one that needs urgent and sustained attention" (p. 244). One teacher in Texas stated, "It would be nice if parents would initiate involvement more often rather than the teachers always having to contact them" (Scribner, et. al., 1999, p. 37). The reality is that
parent involvement must be a collaborative effort. Teachers and administrators
need to view parents as integral partners in the academic achievement
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